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Even before the United Nations Security Council formally adopted Resolution 2699 in October 2023 to deploy the Kenya-led Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission to Haiti, the arrival of armed troops on Haitian soil was “imminent.” Eight months later, we can reasonably say the invasion is here, albeit in a different form than we’re used to seeing.
Based on actual developments, the Haiti invasion is here — vle ou pa. Whether or not we want it.
While Kenya was stuck in legal proceedings at home challenging its role in the MSS, the Canadians began training officers with the Haitian National Police (PNH) through the UN Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH) back in March. The decision was made in October 2023, shortly after the UN Security Council passed the resolution authorizing the MSS. Americans have deployed military aircraft to Port-au-Prince to deliver equipment and even cleared out the neighborhoods near the international airport to land safely.
Clearly, the invasion is here even though Kenyans have not yet stepped foot in Haiti yet. And by all indications, this approach works for the international community in a balanced way and won’t change soon. So we can stop saying “imminent” and just say “it’s here.”
Officially/unofficially, this intervention is playing out. To prove it, let’s revisit some basic definitions.
A geopolitical invasion is the initial act of entering and taking control of a territory, usually with significant military engagement, according to WordReference Forums. The next phase is an occupation, where the invader establishes and maintains control, often involving administrative and governance responsibilities. Wikipedia tells us an invasion is a military offensive usually involving large numbers to either conquer or re-establish control over a territory, liberate previously lost territory, force partition, alter the established government, gain concession or access natural resources or strategic positions.
To us Haitians, who pride ourselves on being the world’s only successful slave rebellion, any foreign intervention is an invasion. Whether it’s a civilian mission, military or police force, we eye with suspicion. Many of us Haitians reject interventions because they have failed. Others want it, seeing such outside forces as a necessary evil to restore security and stability in Haiti.
In either case, few people ask about the mission’s structure, nomenclature, supervision, control and accountability mechanisms. And we don’t ask enough about the potential pitfalls and opportunities.
Ever since October 2022, when now-former Prime Minister Ariel Henry first requested the support of an international armed force to quell the gangs, one question dominated conversations: Will this be another invasion like the 1915-1934 American Occupation or the 2004-2017 MINUSTAH mission?
When Kenya stepped forward with its proposal of a police force, the question shifted to: Is this an invasion under the guise of support for the Haitian police? As details became slow to emerge and the U.S. leaned on countries in this hemisphere to participate, we wondered if Kenya was simply a proxy for the U.S. and Canada? A tokenized Kenya taking center stage while the usual suspects pull the strings behind the scenes?
In the end, the most notable discovery is that Haitians are still not at the table. And, most Haitians believe the U.S. is always involved in Haiti’s affairs, even when the U.S. may not be.
Fueling suspicion are activities like last month’s joint press conference with U.S. President Joe Biden and Kenyan President William Ruto. The pair discussed deploying the non-UN multinational force for the MSS operations, estimated to cost $600 million annually.
“The United States deploying forces in the hemisphere raises all kinds of questions that could easily be misrepresented,” Biden said at the time. “We set out to find a partner or partners that would lead that effort, and we would participate in, not with American forces, but with supplies and making sure they have what they needed.”
Translation: We don’t want to be seen as an hegemonic imperial power and Haiti is not worth losing this election over if American soldiers start dying there. But, we’ll still lead the strategy and pay for it.
In a way, by the time the Kenyan court battle is resolved – now slated for October 2024 – the decision will be irrelevant because key developments continue to take place on this side of the globe.
One is the new transitional government that Prime Minister Garry Conille was installed to lead. Conille is counting on the “imminent” arrival of the MSS to address gang violence, Haiti’s humanitarian crisis and to restore order for democratic elections. Similarly in 2004, when the late Gérard Latortue was appointed prime minister to lead Haiti out of chaos, he relied on a multinational force. But unlike in 2004, the international community has been activating piecemeal operations like the Canadian training and U.S. sorties. Despite urgent calls for prompt, visibly forceful intervention, this trickle – over a sustained period of months – might eventually build up to the Bill Clinton style of sending troops.
Not helping matters is the trove of unanswered questions that have created such a swirl in news — fake news, actual developments, and the stuff in between. Many players across countless camps, out to grandstand or push their agendas, cross paths with media so greedy for content that it’s tough for news professionals to discern what’s worth pursuing, lest we fall into the media manipulation trap.
“The United States deploying forces in the hemisphere raises all kinds of questions that could easily be misrepresented. We set out to find a partner or partners that would lead that effort, and we would participate in, not with American forces, but with supplies and making sure they have what they needed.”
Joe Biden, President of the United States
We’ve been told, for example, that success for this MSS means full-scale support for the PNH – bolstering, professionalizing and equipping it to perform its duties. It also would mean aiding to re-establish the Haitian Armed Forces (FAd’H) so Haiti won’t have to fall back after the mission forces leave. All this is due to take place within a year of deployment, according to a mid-level legislative source. And, a couple sources have claimed, Biden might bypass Congress to provide over $100 million for the mission. Will he? Won’t he? We won’t really know until he does or doesn’t.
The MSS deployment, initially scheduled for May, was pushed back to June. Construction of the mission’s base faces delays and fundraising issues. Kenyan officials have reassured Haitian police of their commitment, but an official deployment date has yet to be announced. Spotty communication means that someone might become the newest police chief or that the prime minister might quit. Will he? Won’t he? Again, it’s anyone’s guess.
Now, here we are. For The Haitian Times as a news publication, all the uncertainty, rumors, “imminent” nature of developments is not worth chasing every minute. The issue is that we’re now so privy to political horse trading in real time, some colleagues report on the process instead of results.
That’s why we would rather be grounded in what transpires over what’s coming. We’ll bring you political news out of Port-au-Prince, Washington, D.C., New York and the power centers in between you need to know about. If you have family in Haiti, a school or orphanage you support, or any other connections, we’ll report on how such developments might affect you, your family and your wallet.
While doing that, we’ll call things, like this low-key invasion underway, for what they are.
The post The invasion of Haiti – 2024 style | ANALYSIS appeared first on The Haitian Times.
