Laurent Saint-Cyr assumes leadership of Haiti’s presidential council with familiar promises

PORT-AU-PRINCE — In a moment loaded with symbolism but short on results, Laurent Saint-Cyr became the fourth leader of Haiti’s Transitional Presidential Council (CPT) Thursday, Aug. 7, in just 15 months. The ceremony, held at the Villa d’Accueil, marked yet another leadership handoff in a transition process increasingly seen by many Haitians as adrift.

Saint-Cyr assumes leadership at a time when Haiti remains mired in overlapping crises. Armed gangs now control at least 90% of the capital, according to the United Nations, killing over 8,700 people, displacing 1.3 million and leaving over 5 million facing acute food insecurity. In this environment, elections have become nearly impossible, the economy continues to falter and the humanitarian crisis deepens by the day.

At least 33 police officers were killed from June 2024 to June 2025, according to the National Human Rights Defense Network (RNDDH). 

While the new CPT leader pledged to restore security, organize a controversial constitutional referendum, and prepare for elections—his three predecessors made the same promises. Many question whether his leadership will mark a departure from a 9-member presidential council plagued by inaction and internal power struggles.

“The situation is chaotic. This is no longer the time for fine speeches, but for taking action, because too much blood has been shed and too much time has been lost,” Saint-Cyr said. “We must come together to deliver the results the people are waiting for.”

Saint-Cyr, a wealthy businessman and former head of the Haitian-Canadian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, is backed by the private sector. His 7-month term is longer than any of his three predecessors, whose tenures were marked by lofty ambitions and few results.

Each former CPT president—Edgard Leblanc Fils, Leslie Voltaire and Fritz Alphonse Jean—failed to improve the worsening insecurity. Gang control expanded, basic services deteriorated and major initiatives stalled. Jean, for example, announced a “war budget” that was never published, and funds for police were not disbursed.

Despite the CPT’s stated priorities under an April 3 Agreement—security, constitutional reform and elections—the council has made little measurable progress. Key neighborhoods and towns remain under gang control, and no credible national dialogue or transitional justice process has taken root.

In his remarks, Saint-Cyr echoed the council’s original mission: restore constitutional order, reconcile state and nation and safeguard Haiti’s interests. He emphasized eliminating gangs and fostering hope among Haitians who remain in the country.

Among the major obstacles are the CPT’s credibility and inefficiency 

The CPT’s credibility continues to erode due to various scandals, in addition to the institution being an inefficient and expensive governing body. Several members, including notably Emmanuel Vertilaire, Louis Gérald Gilles and Smith Augustin, have been implicated in corruption allegations.

A report by RNDDH found that each of the council’s nine members costs the state $924,000 annually—over $8.3 million in total. That amounts to a monthly cost of $77,000 per member—fueling public resentment in a country where the average monthly salary of formal sector workers is estimated to be between $150 and $200. 

The CPT was created following the resignation of Prime Minister Ariel Henry in March 2024, under pressure from both Haitian stakeholders and international actors, including CARICOM and the United States. It was intended to be a compromise body to restore democratic governance. Instead, it has presided over worsening insecurity, deepening economic collapse and institutional paralysis.

Now, many of the same groups that supported the CPT’s creation—with their representatives involved—are calling for its end. Members of the Fanmi Lavalas political party, the Montana Accord and Historical Compromise/RED/EDE, key players in the CPT’s formation and functions, say the council has failed to establish legitimacy.

“The CPT has locked itself into opaque practices, ignoring the suffering of the people,” said leaders of the Montana Accord. “Its members have consolidated power based on political alliances and personal interests, at the expense of national security and democratic reconstruction.”

For Joël Édouard Vorbe, a senior official of Fanmi Lavalas, “the CPT’s failure is widely acknowledged.” “As political leaders, if we must choose between insecurity and resignation, we choose resignation,”  Vorbe said.

Even within the CPT, tensions are rising. Outgoing president Fritz Jean accused Saint-Cyr and Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils-Aimé of enabling a private sector takeover of executive power. In a fiery Aug. 5 interview, Jean said the business class has played a key role in fueling gang violence and trafficking.

Private sector leaders, including economist Kesner “Roro” Pharel and activist Pierre Antoine Louis, defended Saint-Cyr. They labeled Jean’s comments as bitter and misguided, arguing that excluding business voices from politics is both unrealistic and counterproductive.

“He is aggressive in the sense that he launched a very strong attack on the Haitian private sector,” Pharel said. “Worryingly, as Jean predicts, Saint-Cyr’s term will be tough, with Haiti facing up to eight years of economic recession.

Saint-Cyr steps into this fractured landscape with a heavy mandate and limited time. Whether he can achieve what his predecessors could not—security, elections, and a legitimate government—remains to be seen. What is clear is that Haiti’s transition has run out of time and excuses.

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