Haiti’s transitional government’s possible deal with Blackwater sparks public hope and fear

PORT-AU-PRINCE — As reports circulate about a possible contract between Haiti’s transitional government and American private military firm Blackwater, led by former Navy SEAL Erik Prince, residents are expressing a mixture of feelings. Many Haitians just want restored order, no matter who provides it.

“Even if they went to get the devil himself, as long as he brings security, I have no problem,” said a three-wheeled motorcycle-taxi driver on Delmas Road. He and a passenger behind him, who both chose to remain anonymous due to privacy concerns, reacted to the news on the morning of May 29 as they shared a ride on the road.  

“As long as they don’t shoot at me or innocent Haitians, but target the bandits, I’m fine with it,” the driver said. 

“I just want to be able to move freely, go wherever I want. Whether it’s ten at night or midnight, I want to be out in my country without fearing for my life,” he added after the passenger responded: “Me too, I just want security. I don’t care who provides it, as long as they truly restore order in the country.”  

The government has not confirmed the rumored agreement, first reported by The New York Times, and officials remain tight-lipped. Yet, public debate is intensifying. Some residents say they welcome any effort to restore peace, even from controversial foreign contractors like Blackwater. Others, however, urge caution and transparency, citing the company’s dark history in countries like Iraq and calling for reinforcement of national forces.

Artisan Stanley Raphael, whose business in Pétion-Ville has suffered due to insecurity, said, “I do not reject the decision made by the authorities. If the mercenaries truly bring a solution, I am not against it.”

“But with that money, we could buy equipment to strengthen our own forces and confront the challenges we are facing in Haiti,” he added. 

Mounting crisis fuels desperation, but civic and legal concerns regarding foreign contractors linger

According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), internal displacement in Haiti has surged to 1.3 million people—a 24% increase since December 2024. An ongoing food crisis affects 5.7 million Haitians—nearly 49% of the total population. And a recent Center for Analysis and Research in Human Rights (CARDH) report indicates that at least 28 areas, including 25 in the West department alone, are now under gang control. 

Despite the severity of the matter, top officials remain silent or evasive—not a yes or no. 

If a deal exists, no details about it have been provided. The public remains uninformed on critical matters such as budget allocation, timeline, personnel numbers, or coordination with Haiti’s police and the Kenya-led multinational mission (MSS).

When asked about the Blackwater rumors, Interior Minister Paul Antoine Bien-Aimé said: “I heard about it in the news.” Meanwhile, the Minister of Tourism, Patrick Delatour—speaking during “Tuesday of the Nation,” an event where ministers present their work to the press—deferred. He cited a lack of information and redirected questions to the Ministries of Defense, Justice, and the Prime Minister’s office.

The New York Times report details a plan to bring in at least 150 foreign fighters, including U.S.-trained Haitian Americans, under Erik Prince’s leadership. The operation would deploy helicopters, weapon deliveries and drone-assisted raids on gang-controlled zones.

“We have absolutely no issue with the person who will bring the solution — what we need is the solution itself,” said Titus Michel, a resident in the heart of the capital. 

“We can no longer move around freely, there are places we can’t go anymore, and that causes us real suffering.”

Prince, founder of Blackwater Worldwide, became infamous for the 2007 Baghdad massacre, where 17 civilians were killed. Though some contractors involved were pardoned by Donald Trump in 2020, the incident cast a long shadow over Blackwater’s future operations. However, the infamous military contractor company has continued its ventures, operating in Libya, Afghanistan and is now possibly set to be on Haiti’s grounds.

While some residents express relief at the idea of quick action, legal watchdogs and civil society groups are demanding answers. The Je Klere Foundation (FJKL) issued a statement on May 29 acknowledging that extraordinary times might justify extraordinary measures, but emphasized the need for oversight.

FJKL called for full public disclosure. “The government must clarify the terms of the contract—its duration, financial terms and most importantly, rules of engagement. Human rights must be upheld,” the foundation demanded.

Expert analysis and strategic alternatives amid calls for a national solution

Former Haitian Armed Forces (FAD’H) member Himmler Rébu warns that the operation, if it is contracted, may cause more harm than good. According to Rébu, the gangs might be manipulating residents to provoke mercenaries into massacring innocent people. He believes this action could serve as a smokescreen for advancing political agendas, such as pushing a constitutional referendum that has been rejected by most.

“The gang leaders are urging residents to return to their neighborhoods—their goal is to provoke the mercenaries into killing many innocent people,” Rébu said. “This may well be a government ploy to create the illusion of action, while actually trying to push through the referendum—especially if the mercenaries manage to land a few powerful blows.”

According to Rébu, the members of the Transitional Presidential Council (CPT) are slow to address the problem of insecurity because it does not truly affect them. The situation is even advantageous to them, he argues. For him, the CPT uses the insecurity as a pretext to release funds intended for emergencies without real justification on the ground — a loophole exploited for personal enrichment.

Instead of outsourcing security, Rébu proposes using those funds to strengthen the Haitian National Police (PNH) and the FAD’H. He outlines a long-term plan that includes a unified central command and strategic support for Kenyan police units already deployed in the country.

“When gangs attempt to leave their zones, they must face secured perimeters,” he said. “A joint command would ensure the police are backed by military forces, with Kenyans stabilizing the areas.”

FJKL Director Marie Yolène Gilles echoes Rébu’s concerns. The organization recommends large-scale recruitment into the FAD’H, better equipment and training for the PNH and improved intelligence services. Above all, they advocate for reclaiming public safety as a core responsibility of the Haitian state.

“To prevent permanent privatization of public security, any involvement of private forces must go hand-in-hand with fortifying our national institutions,” said Gilles.

For now, the question remains unanswered: Will Haiti rely on foreign mercenaries to restore order, or invest in its own forces to reclaim control from armed gangs? As the country awaits official confirmation, public debate continues to simmer.

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